Guide

Southeast Asian refugee families

A different migration, a different set of silences, and a set of needs that the aggregate picture of Asian American success actively conceals.

Reviewed by Albert Wong, PhDClinical psychologistLast reviewed September 2026About this site

Vietnamese, Cambodian, Lao, Hmong and Mien families largely arrived in the United States as refugees rather than as migrants, following the wars in Southeast Asia and the Cambodian genocide. That distinction isn’t a detail; it changes almost everything about the experience.

Why the aggregate picture actively harms

Model minority statistics average a population that includes graduate students and refugee communities. The resulting figures describe neither.

Poverty rates and rates of not completing secondary education among Hmong, Cambodian and Lao communities are far higher than the Asian American aggregate, and in some measures higher than the national average. Communities described as successful receive less funding, less outreach and less clinical attention — and here the description isn’t merely inaccurate, it’s materially costly.

What sits under these families

Genocide and war, within living memory. The Khmer Rouge period killed an estimated quarter of Cambodia’s population. Studies of Cambodian refugee communities in the US have found rates of PTSD and depression among the highest recorded in any population.

Camps. Many families spent years in refugee camps, and children were born there. That period is frequently absent from the family account entirely.

Separation and loss on a large scale. Family members who didn’t survive, who didn’t arrive, or who were never found. Frequently unmarked and unmourned, because there was no funeral and no body. More on grief that was never allowed.

Downward mobility. Professionals resettled into manual work, with no route back to their qualifications.

Deportation, which is current. Some Southeast Asian Americans who came as refugee children and never naturalised have faced removal orders decades later, frequently to countries they have no memory of. This is an active fear in these communities and it’s largely invisible outside them.

How it shows up in the second generation

Parents who are unwell in ways that were never named or treated. Households organised around a silence about a period nobody will describe. Children who grew up managing a parent’s symptoms without any framework for what they were seeing.

And the interface role, more intensely than in most immigrant families, because the systems involved were resettlement, benefits and immigration rather than merely schools and doctors.

What’s needed clinically

A clinician who knows the history, because the material can’t be reached without it. Trauma-competent care for the parent generation, in-language, which is scarce and is what community organisations specialising in these populations exist to provide.

For the second generation, frequently the work is what got transmitted and how much of the silence to approach — which needs handling with more care here than almost anywhere, because in some families there are genuinely reasons not to ask. How to do it, if you do.

Where to look

Community organisations serving these specific populations are the most reliable route, and are frequently the only source of in-language, trauma-competent care. They exist in every region with a substantial Southeast Asian population and they rarely appear in therapist directories.

Keep reading

45 guides on Asian American family life, free and without an account. There is a directory of therapists here too — it is new, and growing.

General information, not clinical advice; the people and families described are composites, not real clients, and no description here speaks for every family or every culture. Listings on this site are maintained by independent practices. If you are in immediate danger, call 911; the 988 Suicide & Crisis Lifeline is available by call or text any time, and offers support in several languages.